Nutter's Bill24 Jan 2025 11:07
Today the Commons will debate something called the Climate and Nature Bill – which would have severe consequences for the UK economy, and for living standards, were it to be passed.
This is a private members’ bill which has little chance of becoming law in the absence of government support, and the government has not yet shown any inclination to support it. Nevertheless, it demands to be taken seriously, because its backers are already claiming the support of 195 MPs, including 90 Labour MPs. Among them, although he is reported to have been ordered to steer clear, is Chief Secretary to the Treasury Darren Jones. The bill was originally promoted by Caroline Lucas, which is never a good sign, but at first sight it seems reasonably innocuous. It is not.
The bill seeks to turn the government’s ‘Nationally Determined Contributions’ (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement into legally-binding commitments. Given that Energy Secretary Ed Miliband last October set an NDC of reducing Britain’s carbon emissions by 81 per cent – relative to a 1990 baseline – by 2035 this would establish a much more immediate target than the net zero commitment laid out in the Climate Change Act.
Moreover, the bill demands that the UK reduce the carbon emissions embedded in imports by a similar proportion. So, for the first time, we would be under a legally-binding commitment to reduce our overall carbon footprint by 81 per cent by 2035, from 1990 levels.
There is good logic in measuring carbon emissions on a consumption, rather than a territorial, basis. What the government does at the moment, only counting territorial emissions, gives it a perverse incentive to offshore our remaining industry and agriculture so that that its emissions can be counted on other countries’ carbon budgets – while doing nothing whatsoever to help the planet.
However, the new demand would place impossible conditions on importers. For many countries, data on carbon emissions, product by product, are highly unlikely to be available, so importers simply won’t be able to conform to compliance demands. But even where data is available, the chances of
obtaining zero carbon products by 2035 is pretty slim. We may have removed steel emissions from our own carbon figures by closing down our primary steel industry, but that doesn’t mean we will be able to buy carbon-free steel from anywhere else in the world by 2035. The same goes for chemicals, fertilisers, foods and many other products. Unless the rest of the world progresses towards net zero at the same rate as Miliband is determined to make Britain do – which is highly unlikely – we are going to be stuffed. We may not be able to import certain foods.
But the promoters of the bill really want to go further. The original version published last May went demanded that the UK’s total carbon emissions be limited “to no more than its proportionate share of the remaining global carbon budget”.